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The author or concept searched is found in the following 8 entries.
| Disputed term/author/ism | Author |
Entry |
Reference |
|---|---|---|---|
| Bolsheviks | Schmitt | Brocker I 170 Fascism/Bolshevism/Schmitt: Schmitt regarded these movements as complex movements in which motives and energies of Marxism, anarchism and nationalism became effective in different ways, and he imputed to them an irrationalist "philosophy of concrete life" (1), which Sorel had captured in a prototype. >Marxism, >Anarchism, >Nationalism. Schmitt thus moved away from the self-image of the movements and developed his own strong and speculative interpretation. His view of "Moscow" was influenced by a typical contemporary Slavophilia (after Tolstoy and Dostoevsky). >Dostoevsky. Schmitt quoted Sorel and Mussolini for his assessment that "the energy of the national is greater than that of the class struggle myth" (2). In the end, he played Mussolini off against liberal parliamentarianism like Bolshevism. >Parliamentary system. 1. Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus, in: Bonner Festgabe für Ernst Zitelmann zum fünfzigjährigen Doktorjubiläum, München/Leipzig 1923, 413-473. Separatveröffentlichung in der Reihe: Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Reden zur Philosophie, Politik und Geistesgeschichte, Bd. 1, München/Leipzig 1923. Zweite, erweiterte Auflage 1926, S. 76. 2.Ebenda S. 88. Reinhard Mehring, Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1923), in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Schmitt I Carl Schmitt Der Hüter der Verfassung Tübingen 1931 Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| Bolsheviks | Trotsky | Brocker I 213 Bolshevism/Bolsheviks/Trotsky: Trotsky isolated himself from those Bolsheviks who, after the failure of the revolutions in the West, now believed that Russia alone was capable of building socialism. Stalin became the most important advocate of this view, which was gaining more and more space. StalinVsTrotzky: that of the permanent revolution appeared only as an eccentric phrase. >Revolution/Trotsky, Revolution/Lenin. Mario Keßler, „Leo Trotzki, Die permanente Revolution (1930)“ in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| Democracy | Schmitt | Brocker I 165 Democracy/Schmitt: Schmitt speaks of a triumphant advance of democracy. (1) Democratic legitimacy has found its "evidence" (2) as a "polemical concept" against the ruling monarchies and has been realized in various forms. Legitimacy is now almost "generally recognized" (3); its "core" - clearly formulated by Rousseau - is the "assertion of an identity of law and popular will" (4). Schmitt gives this finding an analytical twist: If almost all modern political movements claim the democratic slogan for themselves and claim a "series of identities" (5) for themselves, democratic rhetoric should be questioned about their propagandistic techniques of "identification". >Identification/Schmitt. No popular will is real consensual; every "general will" (5) is fictitious and propagandistically purchased. "So it seems to be the fate of democracy to cancel itself out in the problem of decision-making" (6). Democracy tends to "popular education" and educational dictatorship, to "suspension of democracy in the name of true democracy still to be created" (6). Brocker I 169 Schmitt (...), anticipating his concept of the political (1927), emphasizes that every democratic identity also has the "correlate of inequality" (7) and Rousseau had already thought of the "unanimity" (8) of an indisponsible national homogeneity and substance. Unlike the liberal "democracy of humanity", Bolshevism and Fascism realized the possibility of an anti-liberal and "direct democracy" (9): a "modern mass democracy" (10) in which the people existed vital and politically in the "sphere of publicity" (11). 1. Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus, in: Bonner Festgabe für Ernst Zitelmann zum fünfzigjährigen Doktorjubiläum, München/Leipzig 1923, 413-473. Separatveröffentlichung in der Reihe: Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Reden zur Philosophie, Politik und Geistesgeschichte, Bd. 1, München/Leipzig 1923. Zweite, erweiterte Auflage 1926. p. 30 2. Ibid. p. 32 3. Ibid. p. 39 4. Ibid. p. 35 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. p. 37 7. Ibid. p. 18 8. Ibid. p. 20 9. Ibid. p. 22 10. Ibid. p. 21 11. Ibid. p. 22. Reinhard Mehring, Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1923), in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Schmitt I Carl Schmitt Der Hüter der Verfassung Tübingen 1931 Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| Democracy | Trotsky | Brocker I 214 Democracy/Trotzky: far from rejecting a policy of industrialisation. But he, who had himself been an advocate and executor of terrorist measures in the self-assertion of Bolshevik Russia, now stressed that after the victory of the revolution, terror must be renounced. >Bolshevism/Trotsky. After ten years of justifying the Bolshevik party model against his own earlier reservations, he now took the view that a victorious party should need intra-party democracy and should allow disagreement up to oppositional currents in its ranks. For Trotsky, however, bourgeois parliamentary democracy - at least in Russia - was still little more than a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie "forced to preserve pseudo-democratic forms after the victory over the proletariat". (1) VsTrotsky: Trotsky's contemporary and later critics countered that his understanding of democracy and dictatorship was basically no different from that of Stalin. Indeed, Trotsky long understood the socialist-communist order as an educational dictatorship, which he justified above all with the worldwide resistance of the classes defeated in Russia. >Dictatorship. TrotskyVsStalin: What always separated him from Stalin was a firm refusal to see the party's enemy in the comrade, who had a different opinion.(2) 1. Leo Trotzki, »Ergebnisse und Perspektiven. Die treibenden Kräfte der Revolution« [1906], in: ders., Die permanente Revolution. Ergebnisse und Perspektiven, Essen 2016, 15-107. 2. Ibid. p. 132. Mario Keßler, „Leo Trotzki, Die permanente Revolution (1930)“ in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| Dictatorship | Schmitt | Brocker I 165 Dictatorship/Schmitt: Schmitt's writing on parliamentarianism not only criticizes liberal parliamentarianism, but also the Marxist concept of dictatorship and syndicalism, Bolshevism and fascism as current variants of dictatorial suspension of democratic legitimacy. (1) Dictatorship appears as a reality of democratic promise. The scripture could therefore also be pointedly called: "dictatorship as the reality of democracy". >Democracy/Schmitt, >C. Schmitt. 1. Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus, in: Bonner Festgabe für Ernst Zitelmann zum fünfzigjährigen Doktorjubiläum, München/Leipzig 1923, 413-473. Separatveröffentlichung in der Reihe: Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Reden zur Philosophie, Politik und Geistesgeschichte, Bd. 1, München/Leipzig 1923. Zweite, erweiterte Auflage 1926. Reinhard Mehring, Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1923), in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Schmitt I Carl Schmitt Der Hüter der Verfassung Tübingen 1931 Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| Fascism | Schmitt | Brocker I 170 Fascism/Bolshevism/Schmitt: Schmitt regarded these movements as complex movements in which motives and energies of Marxism, anarchism and nationalism became effective in different ways, and he imputed to them an irrationalist "philosophy of concrete life"(1), which Sorel had captured in a prototype. >Marxism, >Anarchism, >Nationalism. Schmitt thus moved away from the self-image of the movements and developed his own strong and speculative interpretation. His view of "Moscow" was influenced by a typical contemporary Slavophilia (after Tolstoy and Dostoevsky). >Dostoevsky. Schmitt quoted Sorel and Mussolini for his assessment that "the energy of the national is greater than that of the class struggle myth"(2). In the end, he played Mussolini off against liberal parliamentarianism like Bolshevism. Brocker I 173 Fascism/Schmitt: Schmitt regarded Italian fascism (...) as the current "counterrevolutionary" answer to Bolshevism. >Bolshevism. 1. Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus, in: Bonner Festgabe für Ernst Zitelmann zum fünfzigjährigen Doktorjubiläum, München/Leipzig 1923, 413-473. Separatveröffentlichung in der Reihe: Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Reden zur Philosophie, Politik und Geistesgeschichte, Bd. 1, München/Leipzig 1923. Zweite, erweiterte Auflage 1926, p. 76. 2. Ibid. p. 88. Reinhard Mehring, Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1923), in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Schmitt I Carl Schmitt Der Hüter der Verfassung Tübingen 1931 Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| Lenin | Tucker | Brocker I 44 Lenin/Tucker/Scherrer: Robert Tucker saw in What is to be done? the conceptual "procreation" of Bolshevism and in Lenin's "Archimedean sentence": "Give us an organisation of revolutionaries and we will lift Russia off its hinges" (cited Tucker 1987, 35 (1)) the "Charter of Bolshevism". What is to be done? contains for Tucker the "prospectus of a new culture", the core of which is formed by the authoritative party state, the one-party system. 1. Tucker, Robert C., Political Culture and Leadership in Soviet Russia. From Lenin to Gorbachev, Brighton 1987. Jutta Scherrer, "Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin, Was tun?, (1902)" in: Brocker, Manfred (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
PolTuck I Robert C. Tucker Political Culture and Leadership in Soviet Russia. From Lenin to Gorbachev Brighton 1987 Tucker I Robert C. Tucker The Marxian Revolutionary Idea New York 1969 Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
| National Socialism | Schmitt | Brocker I 169 National Socialism/Nazism/Schmitt: At the time, Schmitt explicated the nationalist tenet of his constitutional thinking (1), apart from the concept of the political, above all in his writings on international law. Beginning with the brochure Volksentscheid und Volksbegehren (1927), however, he so subtly translated his categories into a constitutional representation of the Weimar Republic that the strong reference to the anti-liberal alternatives of Bolshevism and Fascism disappeared from the focus of reception for some time. After 1945, the bridge was built from 1923 to 1933 and Schmitt repeatedly assumed a prior option for the "total leader state" (Fijalkowski 1958 (2)). It is also difficult to deny that he consistently represented the Caesarianism of an anti-liberal and dictatorial democracy. In the end, however, he did not opt for Hitler until 1933. 1. Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus, in: Bonner Festgabe für Ernst Zitelmann zum fünfzigjährigen Doktorjubiläum, München/Leipzig 1923, 413-473. Separatveröffentlichung in der Reihe: Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Reden zur Philosophie, Politik und Geistesgeschichte, Bd. 1, München/Leipzig 1923. Zweite, erweiterte Auflage 1926 2. Jürgen Fijalkowski, Die Wendung zum Führerstaat. Ideologische Komponenten in der politischen Philosophie Carl Schmitts, Köln 1958. Reinhard Mehring, Carl Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1923), in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018. |
Schmitt I Carl Schmitt Der Hüter der Verfassung Tübingen 1931 Brocker I Manfred Brocker Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018 |
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